字词 | 欲望 |
释义 | 欲望【英】desire译文来源[1] 金炳华.哲学大辞典[Z].上海辞书出版社,2001:1874. 定义欲望,是指人们基于一定的需要而产生的对一定的物质或精神事物的渴求,包括物质生活欲望和精神生活欲望两大类。西方哲学史上不同哲学家对欲望都有自己的论述:柏拉图的理念论将欲望和理性、意志看成是构成人的灵魂的三部分;伊壁鸠鲁则进一步认为人性的满足在于最求人生最高的目的,即寻求现实的感官的快乐和幸福,反对放荡和纵欲;中世纪哲学鼓吹禁欲主义,认为人对现实利益的各种欲望都是背离道德准则要求的恶,只有奉行禁欲才合乎道德;资产阶级则抨击禁欲主义,承认欲望的合理性,提倡追求眼前的幸福和物质上的享乐;康德认为人存在感性现象和理性存在两方面,感性方面表现为感性欲望的满足,是人的自然本性,受自然必然性和外在物的束缚和支配,而理性本质则表现为用理性支配欲望,遵守道德规范,自由的实质在于遵守人的理性本质,而不是在于感性的物质利益的满足;黑格尔把人的需求和欲望看作是社会存在和发展的最初动力和“第一个重要环节”,劳动使人的欲望得到满足,推动社会的发展;费尔巴哈则认为追求幸福是人的自然的合理的欲望;马克思主义哲学则认为,“人的欲望是在社会实践中产生,并随着社会实践的发展而变化的,归根到底是人们实际生活状况的反映”(金炳华,2003:295)。欲望是在各种需要的影响下产生的人的各种要求和愿望的总和,表现在社会经济、政治、文化等各个领域,是一个分层次的动态体系,不同的历史时期、不同的阶级具有不同的欲望和实现方式,它既是社会发展的推动力,也是造成剥削阶级贪得无厌的重要因素。马克思主义认为既要反对禁欲主义又要反对享乐主义和纵欲主义,应该把享受和创造、发展生产和改善生活统一起来,正确处理欲望和道德生活的关系。 定义来源金炳华.马克思主义哲学大辞典[Z].上海辞书出版社,2003. 例句1. 萨伊还提出,在政治经济学对社会现象的分析中不能简单运用数学统计方法,因为在社会生活中还存在一些无法被计算的“人类才能、需要和欲望的影响”,否则,就会使社会现象在我们的“算计”中“失去原来的复杂性”,使政治经济学成为一种“抽象理论”。这种论点表明,资产阶级政治经济学在其唯物主义前提上具有一种学科上的自觉性,但我认为这并不是哲学方法论上真正的自觉意识。——《回到马克思:经济学语境中的哲学话语》,2009:31 1. Say asserts that political economists should not merely rely on methods of statistics in analyzing social phenomena. This is because in social life there exist the unmeasurable “influence of human talents, needs, and desires”; by choosing to simply use statistics in analysis, we would “lose the original complexity” of social phenomena through our “calculations,” causing political economy to become an “abstract theory. I believe that in terms of the materialist premise of bourgeois political economy, the point Say makes here has a certain degree of intuition, though this is not a truly intuitive consciousness in terms of philosophical methodology. -Quoted from Back to Marx: Changes of Philosophical Discourse in the Context of Economics, 2014: 7. 2. 既然事实上我自己不是自然,既然我的自然欲望,整个我的自然机体不属于我自己(基督教的学说就是如此),那末自然的任何制约,不管这种制约是我自己的自然机体所引起的还是所谓外界自然所造成的,都会使我觉得是一种外来的制约,使我觉得是枷锁,使我觉得是对我的强暴,是和精神的自律相异的他律。施蒂纳不加思考地接受了这种基督教的辩证法,然后又把它用来对待我们的精神。——《马克思恩格斯全集(第三卷):德意志意识形态》,1956:285 2. For if I myself am not nature, if my natural desires, my whole natural character, do not belong to myself—and this is the doctrine of Christianity—then all determination by nature—whether due to my own natural character or to what is known as external nature—seems to me a determination by something foreign, a fetter, compulsion used against me, heteronomy as opposed to autonomy of the spirit. -Quoted from Karl Marx Frederick Engels Collected Works (Vol. 5): The German Ideology, 1975: 254. 3. 马尔塞库对艺术实验的支持也促使他远离正统马克思主义的传统。在他的一生中,这仍然是正式地忠于社会主义的现实主义原则。后者的支持者实际上把所有的艺术实验都视为精英主义,并且仍然坚持反代主义的观点,蔑视20世纪西方艺术世界所发生的事情。卢卡奇在正统意义上并不是社会主义的现实主义者(而且是后斯大林时代美学的一位公开批评者),甚至他都被发现站在反现代主义者一边。马尔塞库审美信念同样显示了一种在这一领域超越马克思主义正统的欲望:一种挑战公认的智慧和传统假设的欲望;在他看来,这些智慧和传统假设等于背叛了马克思主义的革命理想。他与阿多诺、布莱希特和本雅明一道(他们在美学理论中都赞同现代主义立场)挑战了社会主义的现实主义美学,后者认为现代主义基本上是精英主义的和反社会主义的。—— 《后马克思主义思想史》,2011:135-136 3. Marcuse’s championship of artistic experiment also serves to distance him from the orthodox tradition, which in his lifetime was still officially committed to the principles of socialist realism. Proponents of the latter regarded virtually all artistic experiment as elitist, and remained anti-modernist in outlook in defiance to what was happening in the Western artistic world as the twentieth century advanced. Even Lukàcs, no socialist realist in the orthodox sense (and in post-Stalinist times an outright critic of the aesthetic), was to be found on the side of the anti-modernists. Marcus’s aesthetic beliefs indicate a desire to go beyond Marxist orthodoxy in this realm as well: a desire to challenge received wisdom and traditional assumptions that in his opinion amount to a betrayal of Marxism’s revolutionary ideals. He is in company with Adorno, Brecht and Benjamin, all of whom had taken the side of modernism in their aesthetic theories, challenging the received wisdom of the socialist realist aesthetic which regarded modernism as fundamentally elitist and anti-socialist. -Quoted from Post-Marxism: An Intellectual History, 2001: 87. 网络参考例句例句 1: |
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