字词 | 专制制度 |
释义 | 专制制度【英】autocracy; absolutism译文来源[1] Lenin, V. I. Lenin Collected Works (Vol. 1) [M]. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1977: 291. 定义专制制度指统治阶级在国家政治、经济、军事、文化各个方面都拥有绝对的控制权和影响力。在古代中国,专制制度的一个重要表现便是君权高于神权,这是中国古代社会政治生活区别于西欧大陆的一个显著特征。在古代中国,既不存在贵族分权执政的共和制,也没有神权凌驾于皇权之上的教皇制。这是因为,一方面,中国古代社会是建立在以宗法血缘为纽带的家族关系基础之上的,据考古证明中国早期国家的形成并没有像古希腊、古罗马那样建立在氏族血缘关系瓦解的基础上,而是在氏族血缘关系保留的情况下直接进入文明阶段,因此,国家关系、君臣关系只是家族关系、父子关系的扩大和延伸,在君父权威以及家族伦理教化环境下成长起来的历代中国人,陶然于伦理亲情,注重对现实人际关系的把握,视天下如家庭,并通过自然经济陶冶出来的君臣伦理亲情与臣民沟通,直接干预臣民的生活,使自己的权利和威势渗透于社会机体的每一个角落。他们所强调的是“普天之下,莫非王土;率土之滨,莫非王臣”,更是“六合之内,皇帝之土......人迹所至,无不臣者”,决不容许妨碍皇权专断的政治因素横置其间,更不能容忍神权凌驾于皇权之上。(专制制度. via: 定义来源专制制度. via: 例句1. 在其余各方面,都必须完全同俄罗斯无产阶级最密切地结合在一起,这是为了整个俄国无产阶级斗争的利益。害怕这样的结合会发生“多数压制少数”,事实上是毫无根据的,因为在犹太运动的特殊问题上,正是这种自治可以保证不会发生多数压制少数的现象,而在同专制制度、同全俄资产阶级斗争的问题上,我们应当以一个统一的、集中的战斗组织出现,我们应当不分语言和民族依靠整个无产阶级,依靠在经常共同解决理论问题和实际问题、策略问题和组织问题中团结一致的无产阶级,而不应当建立一些各行其是的组织,不应当分散成为许多独立的政党而削弱自己进攻的力量,不应当造成隔阂和隔绝,过后再拿声名狼藉的“联邦制”这种膏药来治疗人为的病痛。——《列宁全集(第七卷)》,1986:103-104 1. In everything else there must be complete fusion with the Russian proletariat, in the interests of the struggle waged by the entire proletariat of Russia. As for the fear of being “steam-rollered” in the event of such fusion, the very nature of the case makes it groundless, since it is autonomy that is a guarantee against all “steam-rollering” in matters pertaining specifically to the Jewish movement, while in matters pertaining to the struggle against the autocracy, the struggle against the bourgeoisie of Russia as a whole, we must act as a single and centralised militant organisation, have behind us the whole of the proletariat, without distinction of language or nationality, a proletariat whose unity is cemented by the continual joint solution of problems of theory and practice, of tactics and organisation; and we must not set up organisations that would march separately, each along its own track; we must not weaken the force of our offensive by breaking up into numerous independent political parties; we must not introduce estrangement and isolation and then have to heal an artificially implanted disease with the aid of these notorious “federation” plasters. -Quoted from Lenin Collected Works (Vol. 6), 1977: 332-333. 2. 辛亥革命是以孙中山为首的资产阶级革命团体同盟会所领导的推翻清朝专制王朝的革命。一九一一年(辛亥年)十月十日,革命党人发动新军在湖北武昌举行起义,接着各省响应,外国帝国主义所支持的清朝反动统治迅速瓦解。一九一二年一月在南京成立了中华民国临时政府,孙中山就任临时大总统。统治中国两千多年的君主专制制度从此结束,民主共和国的观念从此深入人心。但是资产阶级革命派力量很弱,并具有妥协性,没有能力发动广大人民的力量比较彻底地进行反帝反封建的革命。辛亥革命的成果迅即被北洋军阀袁世凯篡夺,中国仍然没有摆脱半殖民地、半封建的状态。——《毛泽东选集(第一卷)》,1991:42 2. The Revolution of 1911 overthrew the autocratic regime of the Ching Dynasty. On October to of that year, a section of the Ching Dynasty’s New Army staged an uprising in Wuchang, Hupeh Province, at the urging of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois revolutionary societies. It was followed by uprisings in other provinces, and very soon the rule of the Ching Dynasty crumbled. On January 1, 1912, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was set up in Nanking, and Sun Yat-sen was elected Provisional President. The revolution achieved victory through the alliance of the bourgeoisie with the peasants, workers and urban petty bourgeoisie. But state power fell into the hands of the Northern warlord Yuan Shih-kai, and the revolution failed, because the group which led it was conciliationist in nature, failed to give real benefits to the peasants and yielded to imperialist and feudal pressure. -Quoted from Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 1), 1965: 56. 3. 俄国中世纪的半农奴制度的残余还异常强而有力(比西欧),它像一副沉重的枷锁套在无产阶级和全体人民身上,阻碍着一切等级和一切阶级的政治思想的发展,所以我们不能不主张反对一切农奴制度即反对专制制度、等级制度、官僚制度的斗争对于工人有巨大的重要性。必须向工人十分详细地指明:这些制度是多么可怕的反动力量,它们在怎样加强资本对劳动的压迫,怎样欺压劳动者,怎样把资本阻滞在它的中世纪形式中,这种形式对劳动的剥削并不亚于现代工业形式,而且给解放斗争增添了极大的困难。工人应当知道,他们不推倒这些反动支柱,就根本无法同资产阶级进行有成效的斗争,因为只要这些支柱存在,俄国农村无产阶级(这个阶级的支持是工人阶级取得胜利的必要条件)就永远摆脱不了闭塞无知、担惊受怕的状况,只能作绝望的挣扎,而不能进行明智顽强的抗议和斗争。——《列宁全集(第一卷)》,1984:72 3. In Russia, the relics of medieval, semi-feudal institutions are still so enormously strong (as compared with Western Europe), they are such an oppressive yoke upon the proletariat and the people generally, retarding the growth of political thought in all estates and classes, that one cannot but insist on the tremendous importance which the struggle against all feudal institutions, absolutism, the social-estate system, and the bureaucracy has for the workers. The workers must be shown in the greatest detail what a terribly reactionary force these institutions are, how they intensify the oppression of labour by capital, what a degrading pressure they exert on the working people, how they keep capital in its medieval forms, which, while not falling short of the modern, industrial forms in respect of the exploitation of labour, add to this exploitation by placing terrible difficulties in the way of the fight for emancipation. The workers must know that unless these pillars of reaction are overthrown, it will be utterly impossible for them to wage a successful struggle against the bourgeoisie, because so long as they exist, the Russian rural proletariat, whose support is an essential condition for the victory of the working class, will never cease to be downtrodden and cowed, capable only of sullen desperation and not of intelligent and persistent protest and struggle. -Quoted from Lenin Collected Works (Vol. 1), 1977: 291. 网络参考例句例句 1: |
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