九一八事变【英】

The Incident of September 18; 1931; September 18th Incident

译文来源

[1] Mao Tse-tung: Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 2) [C]. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1965: 197.
[2] 中共中央编译局. via: http://www.cctb.net/bygz/zywxsy/201508/t20150818_326095.htm

定义

1931年9月18日夜10时20分，日本关东军自行炸毁沈阳北郊柳条湖附近南满铁路的一段路轨，反诬是中国军队所为，制造了柳条湖事件。随即以此为借口，开始炮轰北大营，进攻沈阳城，震惊中外的“九· 一八”事变由此爆发。“九· 一八”事变是日本关东军精心策划武装侵略中国东北的产物，是日本帝国主义推行对外侵略扩张“大陆政策”的重要步骤和必然结果。1931年9月18日晚9时许，负责爆破铁路的日本关东军中尉河本带领七八名十本士兵，以巡视铁路为名，在距离中国东北军北大营兵营约八百米的地点，利用小型炸药装置，将一段南满铁路的一段铁轨炸断。之后，关东军又制造假现场，将三具身着东北军军服的尸体摆在了被炸现场，以把这次爆炸事件嫁祸于北大营东北军官兵。柳条湖的爆炸声刚过，坂垣即以代理关东军司令官、先遣参谋的名义下达了进攻北大营和沈阳城的命令。1931年9月19日，日本步兵第二十九联队从“满铁路附属地”驻地出发，兵分三路向沈阳城进犯。当时，沈阳全城军警都已接到不抵抗的命令，因此，向沈阳城进犯的日军几乎没遇到什么抵抗。之后沈阳陷落。由于蒋介石国民政府采取了不抵抗政策，从而为日本帝国主义侵占东北敞开了方便之门。九一八事变爆发四个月之后，日本即侵占了东北三省，东三省人民从此堕入了苦难的深渊。 （张瑞强，2009：65-87）
1932年2月，东北全境沦陷。此后，日本在中国东北建立了伪满洲国傀儡政权，开始了对东北人民长达14年之久的奴役和殖民统治。“九一八事变”是日本在中国东北蓄意制造并发动的一场侵华战争，是日本帝国主义侵华的开端，是日本帝国主义长期以来推行对华侵略扩张政策的必然的结果，也是企图把中国变为其独占的殖民地而采取的重要步骤。它同时标志着世界反法西斯战争的开始，揭开了第二次世界大战东方战场的序幕。
（via:http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=PvCP6q7wRahWcU7IU5Tlg320J9kR8IWqW9r4vV84HBrp2sud7aItd1rSdsmyp6bSkx9myA4YgFAdvjKA0qv3oAinkiAk0PzV6_vpqii6OBJLakVydd7C0JHCGjCYV5plmsiySl7Agp9ZG6_jhiQArfRnGsyu-IVJtYfcShCXAzUuwHZdP3YkPiX5ix4WaojSrabpHH5SNLzzvEeOy-lDv9tfOwRpU0oJON1UgF4qwvb2Pb4psSkjzY6uuwHuN54p）

定义来源

[1]张瑞强.九一八事变史略.[M].辽宁大学出版社，2009.
[2]九一八事变.via：
http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=PvCP6q7wRahWcU7IU5Tlg320J9kR8IWqW9r4vV84HBrp2sud7aItd1rSdsmyp6bSkx9myA4YgFAdvjKA0qv3oAinkiAk0PzV6_vpqii6OBJLakVydd7C0JHCGjCYV5plmsiySl7Agp9ZG6_jhiQArfRnGsyu-IVJtYfcShCXAzUuwHZdP3YkPiX5ix4WaojSrabpHH5SNLzzvEeOy-lDv9tfOwRpU0oJON1UgF4qwvb2Pb4psSkjzY6uuwHuN54p

例句

1. 因此，爱国主义就是国际主义在民族解放战争中的实施。为此理由，每一个共产党员必须发挥其全部的积极性，英勇坚决地走上民族解放战争的战场，拿枪口瞄准日本侵略者。为此理由，我们的党从九一八事变开始，就提出了用民族自卫战争反抗日本侵略者的号召；后来又提出了抗日民族统一战线的主张，命令红军改编为抗日的国民革命军开赴前线作战，命令自己的党员站在抗日战争的最前线，为保卫祖国流最后一滴血。——《毛泽东选集（第二卷）》，1960：521

1. Thus in wars of national liberation patriotism is applied internationalism. For this reason, Communists must use their initiative to the full, march bravely and resolutely to the battle front of the war of national liberation and train their guns on the Japanese aggressors. For this reason, immediately after the Incident of September 18, 1931, our Party issued its call to resist the Japanese aggressors by a war of national defence, and later proposed a national united front against Japan, ordered the Red Army to reorganize as part of the anti-Japanese National Revolutionary Army and to march to the front, and instructed Party members to take their place in the forefront of the war and defend the motherland to the last drop of their blood. These are good patriotic actions and, far from running counter to internationalism, are its application in China. Only those who are politically muddle-headed or have ulterior motives talk nonsense about our having made a mistake and abandoned internationalism. -Quoted from Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 2), 1965: 196-197.

2. 中华民族在日本侵略者面前，历来存在的劈头第一个问题，就是战不战的问题。自“九一八”到卢沟桥事变之间，这个问题争论得很严重。“战则存，不战则亡” ——这是一切爱国党派和一切爱国同胞的结论：“战则亡，不战则存” ——这是一切投降主义者的结论。卢沟桥抗战的炮声，把这个争论暂时地解决了。它宣告：第一个结论是对的，第二个结论是错了。但是卢沟桥的炮声，为什么仅仅暂时地解决了这个问题而没有最后地解决这个问题呢？这是由于日本帝国主义的诱降政策，由于国际投降主义者的妥协企图，由于中国抗日阵线中一部分人的动摇性。——《毛泽东选集（第二卷）》，1960：570

2. Ever since the Chinese nation was confronted with the Japanese aggression, the first and foremost question has been to fight or not to fight. This question aroused serious controversy in the period from the Incident of September 18, 1931 to the Lukouchiao Incident of July 7, 1937. The conclusion reached by all patriotic political parties and groups and by all our patriotic fellow-countrymen was: “To fight is to survive, not to fight is to perish.” The conclusion reached by all the capitulationists was: “To fight is to perish, not to fight is to survive.” For a time, the roaring guns of the resistance at Lukouchiao decided the issue. They proclaimed the first conclusion right and the second wrong. But why was the question settled only temporarily and not once and for all? Because the Japanese imperialists adopted the policy of inducing China to capitulate, the international capitulationists1 tried to bring about a compromise, and certain people within our anti-Japanese front wavered. -Quoted from Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 2), 1965: 251.

3. 一九三一年九月十八日的事变，开始了变中国为日本殖民地的阶段。只是日本侵略者的范围暂时还限于东北四省，就是人们觉得似乎日本帝国主义者不一定再前进了的样子。今天不同了，日本帝国主义者已经现实他们要向中国本部前进了，他们要占领全中国。现在是日本帝国主义要把整个中国从几个帝国主义国家都有份的半殖民地状态变为日本独占的殖民地状态。最近的冀东事变和外交谈判，显示了这个方向，威胁到了全国人民的生存。这种情形，就给中国一切阶级和一切政治派别提出了“怎么办”的问题。反抗呢？还是头投降呢？或者游移于两者之间呢？——《毛泽东选集（第一卷）》，1960：143

3. The Incident of September 18, 1931, began the present stage of Japan’s colonization of China. As Japanese aggression was temporarily limited to the four northeastern provinces, some people felt that the Japanese imperialists would probably advance no farther. Today things are different. The Japanese imperialists have already shown their intention of penetrating south of the Great Wall and occupying all China. Now they want to convert the whole of China from a semi-colony shared by several imperialist powers into a colony monopolized by Japan. The recent Eastern Hopei Incident and diplomatic talks are clear indications of this trend of events which threatens the survival of the whole Chinese people. This faces all classes and political groups in China with the question of what to do. Resist? Surrender? Or vacillate between the two? -Quoted from Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 1), 1965: 154.

网络参考例句

例句 1：
九一八事变引发的学生请愿示威运动启动迅猛，经历两个发展阶段后很快结束。——“政局动荡与学潮起落——九一八事变后学生运动的样态及成因”，载于《历史研究》2011年第1期
The September Eighteenth Incident promoted turbulent student demonstrations, which went through two stages before coming to a sudden end.

例句 2：
九一八事变后，日本内阁虽然确立 “不扩大方针”，但自日本经营南满以来，维护 “满蒙权益”成为历届政府、军部海外扩张及处理国际事务的压倒性决策要素，驱动决策层势必迎合军部和关东军的军事侵略行径，推动日本走向扩大战争。——“九一八事变后日本决策层侵华国策的趋同”，载于《辽宁大学学报（哲学社会科学版）》2001年第5期
After the September 18th Incident, despite the fact that the Japanese cabinet had established a policy of “no expansion,” maintenance of Japan’s “Mongolian and Manchurian interests” was a factor of overwhelming importance for international affairs, as it had been since the Japanese occupation of southern Manchuria. This inevitably drove decision-makers to placate the military elites and the military aggression of Kantung Army, encouraging Japan to expand the war.

例句 3：
值得注意的是，关于九一八历史的研究不仅在总结经验教训方面仁者见仁，智者见智，就是在还历史本来面貌方面也存在着比其他历史事件更加严峻的分歧。——“九一八事变研究(专题)”，载于《辽宁大学学报（哲学社会科学版）》2001年第5期
In the past 70 years scholars in and out of China have achieved various results through the research on the incident. It is worth paying attention to there are differences not only between lessons and experiences, but also between the history itself and the historical facts.