性器官崇拜【英】

sex organ worship

译文来源

金炳华.马克思主义哲学大辞典[Z].上海辞书出版社，2003：699.

定义

性器官崇拜属于自然崇拜之一，具体是指以男、女性器官作为直接的崇拜对象。是原始人对繁殖以及性行为的繁殖作用之重视的宗教反映。旧石器时代遗址的发掘显示出人类很早便对生殖现象十分重视，远古洞穴绘画和雕刻中的妇女形象，“面部仅具轮廓，乳房和小腹则甚大，阴部亦较突出，学者推论为生殖之神”（金炳华，2003：699）以后逐渐出现脱离身体而独立成型的性器官雕像，男女皆有。进入父系社会后，男性性器官形象也越来越多于女性。进入文明社会后，对性器官的崇拜在一些地区的宗教仪式中依然存在，但其崇拜物由某些特定的标志物或神祇所替代。希腊、罗马神卜里阿普即源出于神化了的男子性器官。印度教在对湿婆的礼拜中，十分重视礼拜男性生殖器；对萨克蒂的崇拜则以礼拜女性生殖器为重。

定义来源

金炳华.马克思主义哲学大辞典[Z].上海辞书出版社，2003.

例句

1. 情欲产生于紧张，而紧张状态是阶级社会所特有的流行病。如果这种紧张可以缓解，那么死的本能力量也必定能够减弱。抑制死的本能和增进爱欲，只有在提倡多方式的性满足和普遍的“里比多”（性）释放的社会中才能达到。这包含废除一夫一妻制的性器官主权至上论。——《马克思以后的马克思主义》，2008：281

1. Desire was produced by tension and tension was endemic to class society. If this tension could be reduced, then so would the power of the death instinct. The limitation of the death instinct and the enhancement of Eros could be achieved only in a society which encouraged polymorphous sexual gratification and widespread libidinal release. This involved the abolition of monogamic genital supremacy. -Quoted from Marxism after Marx: An Introduction, 1998: 296.

2. 他在《渐进的社会主义》一书中写道“每当我们看到以经济作为社会发展基础为出发点的理论在过分强调暴力崇拜的理论面前投降时，我们都会碰到黑格尔式的原理……马克思和恩格斯的一切伟大成就都不是依靠、而是不顾黑格尔的辩证法而取得的。” ——《马克思以后的马克思主义》，2008：31

2. In Evolutionary Socialism he wrote: ‘Every time that we see the theory which starts from the economy as the basis of social development capitulate before the theory which over-emphasises the cult of force we will come across a Hegelian sentence… Every great achievement of Marx and Engels was achieved not by means of the Hegelian dialectic but in spite of it.’ -Quoted from Marxism after Marx: An Introduction, 1998: 36.

3. 柏格森，这位仇恨僵化的一般概念的哲学家确立了对非理性的直接性的崇拜、对不自由中的至上自由的崇拜、他将凝固起来的现实当作坏的东西打发掉，追求一种时间意识中的“绝对化的绵延、纯粹的生成”；而胡塞尔则创造出一种区别于抽象形而上学的“理解本质的方式”，这是一种“特定的精神经验，这种经验能在特殊中知觉到本质”。——《文本的深度耕犁——后马克思思潮哲学文本解读》，2007：15

3. Bergson says the hater of the rigid general concept established a cult of irrational immediacy, of sovereign freedom in the midst of un-freedom. Solidified reality was withdrawn as a bad matter by him. And he pursues “absolutized duration, pure becoming” in time. Husserl would indeed sharply distinguish the mode of apprehending the essence from generalizing abstraction—what he had in mind was a specific mental experience capable of perceiving the essence in the particular. -Quoted from A Deep Plough: Unscrambling Major Post-Marxist Texts From Adorno to Zizek, 2011: 33.

网络参考例句

例句 1：
起源于中国古代的拔河及仪式行为，传入韩国后受到韩国民俗思想和传统文化的影响，成为韩国一项非常重要的农业民俗和非物质文化遗产。特别是忠清南道唐津郡机池市，每年都要举行盛大的拔河民俗庆典仪式。笔者通过实地考察研究认为:机池市的拔河仪典融入了韩民族的传统农业文化、传统生活文化、传统礼仪道德文化和传统宗教祭祀文化;庆典仪式的过程体现了“过渡礼仪”分离阶段、边缘阶段以及聚合阶段的特征和功能;仪典中展现了韩国的言灵思想、巫现思想、灵魂不灭思想、性器官崇拜思想、祭天敬大思想、重农思想等的民俗思想;机池市拔河发展至今逐步融入了海洋文化和商业文化，在拔河民俗庆典仪式过程中，祭祀占卜的内涵逐步淡化，但是作为祭祀行为和一种交流的工具得到进一步重视。——“韩国拔河民俗庆典仪式的社会学检视”，载于《体育与科学》2016年第5期
Tug of War and its ceremony originated from ancient China，it was influenced by Korean national thoughts and traditional culture.　It has become a very important agricultural and intangible cultural heritage.　Especially in Daechi-Ri in Dangjin City in Chungcheongnam-do，people would have grand tug of war folk-custom ceremony each year. Through field investigation the author holds that Daechi-Ri tug of war has integrated Korean agricultural culture，traditional living culture，traditional etiquette and moral culture as well as traditional religion sacrificial culture. The ceremony embodies "transition etiquette" process of separation stage， marginalization stage and aggregation stage characteristics and functions respectively.　The ceremony presents Korean Kotodama thoughts，witch thoughts，spiritual imperishahility thought，sexual organs worship thoughts，sacrifice to heaven thoughts，agricultural importance thoughts and other fol