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字词 拉萨尔
释义

拉萨尔【英】

Ferdinand Lassalle

译文来源

[1] 金炳华.马克思主义哲学大辞典[Z].上海辞书出版社,2003:143.
[2] Ferdinand Lassalle. via: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferdinand_Lassalle

定义

拉萨尔(1825—1864)德国早期工人运动活动家,全德工人联合会创始人。拉萨尔1825年4月11日生于布雷斯劳(现弗罗茨瓦夫)的一个犹太富商家庭,青年时代在柏林大学学习过黑格尔哲学,后来成了律师。1848年欧洲革命期间,参加杜塞尔多夫民主派的革命活动,并与马克思、恩格斯结识。在1849年2月至5月期间,马克思和恩格斯曾四次以《拉萨尔》为标题,在《莱茵报》上公开发表文章声援过拉萨尔的斗争。1863年3月,拉萨尔发表《给筹备莱比锡全德工人代表大会的中央委员会的公开答复》。1863年5月23日全德工人联合会成立,拉萨尔当选为联合会主席。为了求得普鲁士国家的帮助和实现普选,拉萨尔从1860年5月起多次与俾斯麦密谈和通信,表示工人阶级“本能地感到自己倾向于独裁”(拉萨尔via:http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=-hl4FgKXvoUsQ0FD6B3S3ST2bwOdXchGEsCRnFRO0A1fHNdqDg9WarSpxgK2S_LkO1d8UpT_axFXZmZ5locqTHU8re-__Qo2PExu3-TNBua)。拉萨尔是德国右倾机会主义的鼻祖,他根据从各方面的哲学观点、政治思想和经济观点,为自己的组织制定了一套右倾机会主义的纲领、路线、方略,这就是拉萨尔主义。它的基本内容可概括为:“在资本主义制度下,工人阶级贫困是由“铁的工资规律”造成的;要废除这个规律,就必须建立“生产合作社”;要建立合作社,就必须依靠“国家帮助”;要取得国家帮助,就必须争取“普选权”;要争取普选权,就必须建立全德工人联合会来进行和平和合法的宣传鼓动”(王定国,1986:21)。

定义来源

[1] 拉萨尔.via:
http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=-hl4FgKXvoUsQ0FD6B3S3ST2bwOdXchGEsCRnFRO0A1fHNdqDg9WarSpxgK2S_LkO1d8UpT_axFXZmZ5locqTHU8re-__Qo2PExu3-TNBua.
[2] 王定国.拉萨尔主义的初探[J].宁夏大学学报(社会科学版),1986(1).

例句

1. 可以明确地说,19世纪80年代,即使在德国,马克思主义思想的传播也并不十分广泛。1875年,两个党派在哥达联合组成了德国社会民主(Sozialistische Partei Deutschlands,SPD),其中一派强烈坚持由其缔造者斐迪南·拉萨尔(Ferdinand Lassalle)所倡导的国家社会主义(在19世纪七八十年代,拉萨尔思想在德国社会主义者的圈子中仍然发挥着支配性的影响);另一派,即马克思的追随者李卡克内西和倍倍尔领导的所谓爱森纳赫派(Eisenach),则几乎没有什么马克思主义的成分,尽管相反的,马克思本人对它持乐观度。——《马克思以后的马克思主义》,2008:20

1. Indeed, it can be shown that even in Germany the spread of Marxist ideas was not very far advanced in the 1880s: of the two parties which united to form the Sozialistische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) at Gotha in 1875, one held strongly to the state socialism preached by its founder, Ferdinand Lassalle, whose ideas were still the predominant influence in Socialist circles in Germany during the 1870s and 1880s; the other party—the so-called Eisenach Party led by Marx’s followers Liebknecht and Bebel—had very little Marxism in it, in spite of Marx’s optimistic opinion to the contrary. -Quoted from Marxism after Marx: An Introduction, 1998: 23.

2. 马克思主义者在党的理论斗争中也占据了核心位置。伯恩施坦自1881年起就担任党报《社会民主党人》(Sozialdemokrat)的编辑,而考茨基(Kautsky)于马克思逝世的那年——1883年——创办的《新时代》(Die Neue Zeit),也始终不渝地在涉及党的利害关系的一切问题上发表马克思主义者的见解;作为帝国议会(Reichstag)的议员,倍倍尔则以其实践型政治家和组织者的杰出天才,施展了相当重大的影响力。到19世纪80年代末,人们愈来愈达成共识,拉萨尔主义及早先的洛贝尔图斯(Rodbertus)的通俗经济学在马克思主义批评者的批判声中已经名声扫地了。——《马克思以后的马克思主义》,2008:20

2. Marxists also occupied key positions in the party’s theoretical debates: Bernstein was editor of the party’s official newspaper Sozialdemokrat from 1881 and Kautsty’s Neue Zeit, founded in 1883, the year of Marx’s death, consistently publicised the views of Marxists in all questions of interest to the party; Bebel, whose gifts as a practical politician and organiser were outstanding, exercised considerable influence as a Reichstag deputy. By the end of the 1880s there was a growing consensus that Lassalleanism and the previously popular economics of Rodbertus had been discredited by their Marxist critics. -Quoted from Marxism after Marx: An Introduction, 1998: 23.

3. 这一方面最典型的例子是拉萨拉在《巴斯蒂特——舒尔策》中说的那巨变名言:“不存在通过社会途径找到摆脱这种社会地位的出路。英国罢工就是想作为人那样行动的事物的徒劳努力,它们的可悲结局是大家都知道得够多的了。因此,工人的唯一出路只有在那个他们还被看着作为人的领域里,即在国家里才能找到,当然,这个国家要愿意把这从长远来看是不可避免的事情当作它的任务。因此,自由资产阶级本能地,而且无限地憎恨任何一种形式的国家概念。”在这里,重要的不是指出拉萨尔观点的内容的和历史的错误,而是必须从方法论上指出,首先,把经济和国家抽象地、绝对地分离开来,顽固地、错误地把人当作物放在一边,当作人放在另一边,就会使一种坚持直接经验事实的宿命论建立起来(大家可以想一想拉萨尔“铁的工资规律”)。——《历史与阶级意识:关于马克思主义辩证法的研究》,1996:287

3. In support of this we may cite as a typical illustration the well-known passage in Lassalle’s Bastiat-Schulze: “There is no social way that leads out of this social situation. The vain efforts of things to behave like human beings can be seen in the English strikes whose melancholy outcome is familiar enough. The only way out for the workers is to be found in that sphere within which they can still be human beings, i.e. in the state. Hence the instinctive but infinite hatred which the liberal bourgeoisie bears the concept of the state in its every manifestation.” It is not our concern here to pillory Lassalle for his material and historical misconceptions. But it is important to establish that the abstract and absolute separation of the state from the economy and the rigid division between man as things on the one hand and man as man on the other, is not without consequences. -Quoted from History and Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics, 1968: 195.

网络参考例句

例句 1:
拉萨尔的国家观是民主社会主义国家观的重要来源。拉萨尔按照地产、资产和劳动的统治原则把历史划分为三个时期,与之对应的就是过去、现在和未来的国家。——“拉萨尔的国家观评析”,载于《青岛科技大学学报(社会科学版)》2012年第3期
Lassalle’s state outlook is an important source for Democratic Socialism. Lassalle divided the history into three periods according to the dominating principles of estates, capitals and labor. There were three historic types of sates: past, present and future.

例句 2:
马克思恩格斯的悲剧观是其文艺思想重要的组成部分,其成熟和发展主要体现在致拉萨尔的回信中。——“历史褶皱处的远观近觑——浅解马克思恩格斯的悲剧观”,载于《宁波大学学报(人文科学版)》2011年第3期
Marx and Engels’ view on tragedy is an integral part of their literary theory. Its maturity and development can be found their replies to LaSalle’s letters.

例句 3:
首先,我们得了解马克思与维柯的直接思想渊源,即《资本论》里的脚注以及写给拉萨尔的信;在此基础上,我们还将介绍西方学者研究二人历史哲学渊源的主要成果,从中厘清马克思与维柯在文化哲学上的渊源,即人创造自己的历史、所有权的历史、辩证的历史、现实的历史、社会的历史等,以促进对马克思历史唯物主义的多角度研究。——“马克思与维柯:在文化哲学中相遇”,载于《东南学术》2014年第3期
First, we should understand the direct ideologival links between Marc and Viso, i.e. , footnotes of “Das Kapital” and letters to Lassalle; based on the above, we shoulf also introduce major achievements by Western scholars on the relations in historical and philosophical theories between Marx and Vico to clarify their relations in historical and philosophical theories, i.e. , history of people creating their own, history of dialectical thought, hist

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