阶级联盟【英】

class alliance; class union

译文来源

[1] Mao Tse-tung. Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 3) [C]. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1965: 284-285.
[2] Marx, K. & F. Engels. Karl Marx Frederick Engels Collected Works (Vol. 27) [M]. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1975: 275-276.

定义

毛泽东在领导中国革命进程中，发展了阶级联盟思想，提出了统一战线理论。中国革命统一战线包括两个阶级联盟：一个是劳动者之间的联盟，即工人阶级同农民、城市小资产阶级和其他劳动人民的联盟，这是基本的、主要的；另一个是工人阶级与其他可以合作的非劳动者之间的联盟，主要是工人阶级同资产阶级的联盟。其中，工农联盟是统一战线的基础，也是人民民主专政的基础。工农联盟是由工人阶级在进行无产阶级革命和社会主义建设中同劳动农民在共产党领导下结成的革命联合。工农联盟的思想最早是由马克思在总结1848年欧洲革命经验的基础上提出的，其后分别被列宁和毛泽东进一步发展和实践。工人阶级和农民阶级都受剥削阶级的压迫和剥削，有着共同的革命要求和根本利益。在革命中，工人阶级只有依靠农民的支持才能取得胜利，农民也只有得到工人阶级的领导才能得到解放。中国的工农联盟是在长期的革命斗争中逐步得到发展和巩固的，经历了民主革命阶段和社会主义革命阶段，现在又走上了更高的社会主义现代化建设阶段。无论在哪个发展阶段上，工农联盟都是最重要最基本的联盟，是中国革命和建设取得胜利的保证。只有不断地发展和巩固工农联盟，才有力量去团结一切可以团结的非劳动人民联盟，结成广泛的统一战线，为社会主义现代化建设服务（《工农联盟》，via：http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=ixoJZap3fvmAV04IU1hSzUnnXd6YAXTyyJqtBM7OkFgYl3zTqLxCUwf1yf-QVMvG7QwRPI_JwWtE3Y-EYhk6R_）。

定义来源

工农联盟.via：http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=ixoJZap3fvmAV04IU1hSzUnnXd6YAXTyyJqtBM7OkFgYl3zTqLxCUwf1yf-QVMvG7QwRPI_JwWtE3Y-EYhk6R_

例句

1. 有些人怀疑共产党得势之后，是否会学俄国那样，来一个无产阶级专政和一党制度。我们的答复是：几个民主阶级联盟的新民主主义国家，和无产阶级专政的社会主义国家，是有原则上的不同的。毫无疑义，我们这个新民主主义制度是在无产阶级的领导之下，在共产党的领导之下建立起来的，但是中国在整个新民主主义制度期间，不可能、因此就不应该是一个阶级专政和一党独占政府机构的制度。只要共产党以外的其他任何政党，任何社会集团或个人，对于共产党是采取合作的而不是采取敌对的态度，我们是没有理由不和他们合作的。俄国的历史形成了俄国的制度，在那里，废除了人剥削人的社会制度，实现了最新式的民主主义即社会主义的政治、经济、文化制度，一切反对社会主义的政党都被人民抛弃了，人民仅仅拥护布尔什维克党，因此形成了俄国的局面，这在他们是完全必要和完全合理的。但是在俄国的政权机关中，即使是处在除了布尔什维克党以外没有其他政党的条件下，实行的还是工人、农民和知识分子联盟，或党和非党联盟的制度，也不是只有工人阶级或只有布尔什维克党人才可以在政权机关中工作。中国现阶段的历史将形成中国现阶段的制度，在一个长时期中，将产生一个对于我们是完全必要和完全合理同时又区别于俄国制度的特殊形态，即几个民主阶级联盟的新民主主义的国家形态和政权形态。——《毛泽东选集（第三卷）》，1991：1061-1062

1. Some people are suspicious and think that once in power, the Communist Party will follow Russia’s example and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat and a one-party system. Our answer is that a new-democratic state based on an alliance of the democratic classes is different in principle from a socialist state under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Beyond all doubt, our system of New Democracy will be built under the leadership of the proletariat and of the Communist Party, but throughout the stage of New Democracy China cannot possibly have a one-class dictatorship and one-party government and therefore should not attempt it. We have no reason for refusing to cooperate with all political parties, social groups and individuals, provided their attitude to the Communist Party is cooperative and not hostile. The Russian system has been shaped by Russian history; in Russia the exploitation of man by man has been abolished as a social system, the political, economic and cultural system of the newest type of democracy, i.e., socialism, has been put into effect, and the people support the Bolshevik Party alone, having discarded all the anti--socialist parties. All this has shaped the Russian system, which is perfectly necessary and reasonable there. But even in Russia, where the Bolshevik Party is the sole political party, the system practised in the organs of state power is still one of an alliance of workers, peasants and intellectuals and an alliance of Party members and non--Party people, and not a system in which the working class and the Bolsheviks alone may work in the organs of government. The Chinese system for the present stage is being shaped by the present stage of Chinese history, and for a long time to come there will exist a special form of state and political power, a form that is distinguished from the Russian system but is perfectly necessary and reasonable for us, namely, the new--democratic form of state and political power based on the alliance of the democratic classes. -Quoted from Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 3), 1965: 284-285.

2. 如果说，我们过去的政府是工人、农民和城市小资产阶级联盟的政府，那末，从现在起，应当改变为除了工人、农民和城市小资产阶级以外，还要加上一切其他阶级中愿意参加民族革命的分子。在目前，这个政府的基本任务是反对日本帝国主义吞并中国。这个政府的成分将扩大到广泛的范围，不但那些只对民族革命有兴趣而对土地革命没有兴趣的人，可以参加，就是那些同欧美帝国主义有关系，不能反对欧美帝国主义，却可以反对日本帝国主义及其走狗的人们，只要他们愿意，也可以参加。因此，这个政府的纲领，应当是以适合于反对日本帝国主义及其走狗这个基本任务为原则，据此以适当地修改我们过去的政策。——《毛泽东选集（第一卷）》，1991：156

2. If our government has hitherto been based on the alliance of the workers, the peasants and the urban petty bourgeoisie, from now on it must be so transformed as to include also the members of all other classes who are willing to take part in the national revolution. At the present time, the basic task of such a government should be to oppose the annexation of China by Japanese imperialism. It will have a broader representation so that it may include those who are interested only in the national revolution and not in the agrarian revolution, and even, if they so desire, those who may oppose Japanese imperialism and its running dogs, though they are not opposed to the European and U.S. imperialists because of their close ties with the latter. Therefore, as a matter of principle, the programme of such a government should be in keeping with the basic task of fighting Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, and we should modify our past policies accordingly. -Quoted from Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung (Vol. 1), 1965: 165-166.

3. 自从蒙马特尔高地上的大炮再度被夺回的那一天起，到今天已经过去21年了。1871年出生的孩子，现在已经达到成年，由于统治阶级的愚蠢，他们当了士兵，他们在学习使用武器的本领，学习组织起来和持枪自卫的艺术。被认为业已扼杀了的公社，被认为永远消灭了的国际，仍然存在于我们当中，仍然活着，而且比1871年要更加强大20倍。几百人变成了几千人；响应我们号召的，现在已不是几千人，而是几百万人了。第一国际只能预见并为之做准备的国际无产阶级联盟，今天已成为现实。不仅如此，1871年在公社的巴黎近郊占领过炮台的那些普鲁士士兵的千百万子弟，目前正同巴黎公社社员的子弟肩并肩地站在最前列，为争取完全和彻底解放工人阶级而共同战斗。——《马克思恩格斯全集（第二十二卷）》，1965：332

3. Well! Twenty-one years have passed since the recapture of the cannons on the hill of Monmartrea The children born in 1871 have now reached their majority, and thanks to the stupidity of the ruling classes they are soldiers, learning to handle arms, the art of organising themselves and defending themselves, gun in hand. The Commune which they claimed to have killed, the International which they imagined they had wiped out forever, are here in our midst, alive and twenty times more powerful than in 1871. Those responding to our call have grown from hundreds into thousands, and from thousands into millions. The union of the world proletariat, which the First International was able to predict and prepare, is today a reality. And, what is more, the sons of the Prussian soldiers who occupied the forts surrounding the Paris of the Commune in 1871 are today fighting in their millions in the front line, side by side with the sons of the Communards; for the complete and lasting liberation of the working class. -Quoted from Karl Marx Frederick Engels Collected Works (Vol. 27), 1975: 275-276.

网络参考例句

例句 1：
尽管如此，共产国际、联共（布）对平分土地的口号始终持谨慎态度，担心这一口号执行中的扩大化会影响到对中农的阶级联盟策略。——“试论共产国际、联共（布）对中共土地革命的指导”，载于《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2015年第2期
Nonetheless, they always kept a cautious attitude over the slogan of equally distributing lands, and worried that this slogan, enlarged in implementation, would affect the class alliance strategy toward middle peasants.

例句 2：
通过对1981-2002年间法国社会党社会政策偏好转变的分析，本文认为法国社会党的社会政策偏好从传统政治中的以阶级联盟为基础走向新政治中的以就业联盟为基础。——“法国社会党的社会政策偏好：传统与变迁”，载于《欧洲研究》2009年第6期
Through an analysis of the changes of the social policy preferences of the French Socialist Party from 1981 to 2002, this paper points out that the foundation on which it builds its preferences has changed from an alliance based on class to a new politics based on labor market division.

例句 3：
到社会主义时期，党的统一战线由阶级联盟转变为与劳动者和爱国者的联盟，民主监督与民主参政成为主要内容。——“党的统一战线理论的发展轨迹与实践特色”，载于《重庆社会科学》2013年第2期
In the socialist period, the party’s united front has changed from the class alliance to the alliance of workers and patriots and the democratic supervision and democratic politics has become the main content.