| 字词 | 劳资关系 |
| 释义 | 劳资关系【英】labor-capital relation; relation of labour to capital; relation between labour and capital; relation between employee and employer; Labor-Managed Relations译文来源[1] 胡代光，高鸿业.现代西方经济学辞典[Z].中国社会科学出版社，1996：570. 定义美国劳动者与资方的关系（刘伟等，1994：360）。它指雇佣劳动者与资本家之间的关系，即雇佣劳动者被剥削、资本家无偿占有雇佣劳动者所创造的剩余价值的关系（胡代光等，1996：570）。在20世纪40年代以前，工会的力量相对较弱，原因有两方面，一是资方的力量比较强大，二是政府对资方的偏护。1947年，美国制定了劳资关系法即塔夫脱——哈特利法。该法的目的是在1936年的瓦格纳法通过以后建立集体谈判过程中的新的均势。瓦格纳法是美国主要的劳资关系法，除了航空系统和铁路系统适用“铁路劳工法”外，它适用于所有州际商业，瓦格纳法保证工人在组织工会和选择集体谈判代表方面享有充分的自由权；它禁止雇主或工会采取某些不正当的劳工行动。由于瓦格纳法解除了对工会的许多限制，使它们得以在没有为资方和非工会会员提供足够的保护的情况下自由发展。政府对瓦格纳法的修订而形成1947年的塔夫脱——哈特利法。政府在劳资争议中的作用是保护公众的利益，既不袒护劳方也不袒护资方。为此，该法改组了国家劳工关系委员会，建立了联邦仲裁与调节局。该法还开列了劳方和资方所采取的可能是针对对方或针对非工会会员的种种不公平的劳工行为，对于确定工会的代表以及在集体谈判过程中的程序做了详尽而广泛的规定。该法规定，法院必须复审国家劳工关系委员会的诉讼，就劳工组织提出的诉讼或控告劳工组织的诉讼也作了规定。1959年，兰德勒姆——格里芬法即劳资管理报告和揭露法对1947年劳资关系法进行了修正（刘伟等，1994：360）。 定义来源[1] 刘伟，梁小民，雎国余，杨云龙.经济学大辞典[Z].团结出版社，1994. 例句1. 当30万奴隶主的寡头政权敢于在世界历史上第一次把“奴隶制”这个词写在武装叛乱的旗帜上的时候，当大约一百年前最先产生了伟大的民主共和国思想的地方，在宣布了第一个人权宣言和最先推动了十八世纪的欧洲革命的地方，反革命接连不断地炫耀它已经取消了“旧宪法确立时代的种种观念”，声称“奴隶制是仁慈的制度，确实是解决劳资关系这一重大问题的老办法”，并无耻地宣布人身所有制是“新大厦的基石”的时候，——在这个时候，欧洲的工人阶级立即了解到（甚至在上层阶级为南部同盟派上流人士进行的狂热袒护向工人阶级发出了可怕的警号以前就已经了解到），奴隶主的叛乱将是一次财产对劳动所进行普遍的十字军征讨的信号，在大西洋彼岸进行的这一大规模的战争关系着劳动者的命运，关系着他们对未来的期望，甚至关系着他们已经获得的果实。——《马克思恩格斯全集（第十六卷）》，1964：20-21 1. When an oligarchy of 300,000 slave-holders dared to inscribe, for the first time in the annals of the world, “slavery” on the banner of Armed Revolt; when on the very spots where hardly a century ago the idea of one great Democratic Republic had first sprung up, whence the first Declaration of the Rights of Man was issued, and the first impulse given to the European revolution of the 18th century; when on those very spots counter-revolution, with systematic thoroughness, gloried in rescinding “the [...] ideas entertained [...] at the time of the formation of the old Constitution", and maintained "slavery to be a beneficent institution”, indeed the only solution of the great problem of “the relation of labour to capital”, and cynically proclaimed property in man “the cornerstone of the new edifice”, then the working classes of Europe understood at once, even before the fanatic partisanship of the upper classes for the Confederate gentry had given its dismal warning, that the slave-holders’ rebellion was to sound the tocsin for a general holy crusade of property against labour, and that for the men of labour, with their hopes for the future, even their past conquests were at stake in that tremendous conflict on the other side of the Atlantic. -Quoted from Karl Marx Frederick Engels Collected Works (Vol. 20), 1985: 19-20. 2. 在今天，同批评传统的财产关系相比，无神论本身是一种很轻的罪。但在这方面，进步仍然是无可怀疑的。以最近几星期内发表的蓝皮书《关于工业和工联问题同女王陛下驻外公使馆的通讯》为例。英国女王驻外使节在那里坦率地说，在德国，在法国，一句话，在欧洲大陆的一切文明国家，现有的劳资关系的变革同英国一样明显，一样不可避免。同时，大西洋彼岸的美国副总统威德先生也在公众集会上说：在奴隶制废除后，资本关系和土地所有权关系的变革会提到日程上来！这是时代的标志，不是用紫衣黑袍遮掩得了的。这并不是说明天就会出现奇迹。但这表明，甚至在统治阶级中间也已经透露出一种模糊的感觉：现在的社会不是坚实的结晶体，而是一个能够变化并且经常处于变化过程中的机体。——《马克思恩格斯全集（第二十三卷）》，1972：12 2. Now-a-days atheism itself is culpa levis, as compared with criticism of existing property relations. Nevertheless, there is an unmistakable advance. I refer, e.g., to the Blue Book published within the last few weeks: “Correspondence with Her Majesty’s Missions Abroad, regarding Industrial Questions and Trades’ Unions”. The representatives of the English Crown in foreign countries there declare in so many words that in Germany, in France, to be brief, in all the civilised states of the European Continent, a radical change in the existing relations between capital and labour is as evident and inevitable as in England. At the same time, on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, Mr. Wade, vice-president of the United States declared in public meetings that, after the abolition of slavery, a radical change of the relations of capital and of property in land is next upon the order of the day. These are signs of the times, not to be hidden by purple mantles or black cassocks. They do not signify that tomorrow a miracle will happen. They show that, within the ruling classes themselves, a foreboding is dawning, that the present society is no solid crystal, but an organism capable of change, and is constantly changing. -Quoted from Karl Marx Frederick Engels Collected Works (Vol. 35), 1996: 10-11. 3. 在我们党内还有这样的思想，认为做事情只要抓住工农就行了。这种想法总的来说是不对的，具体来说只有一半对。工农确实是我们依靠的基本群众，但是，只做工农群众的工作解决不了全部问题。例如，处理公私关系不做私方的工作，处理劳资关系不做资方的工作，行吗？再如，在减租退押中，我们动员一些民主人士、开明士绅下乡（如去川北、川西等），往往僵局容易打破，任务容易完成 。——《邓小平文选（第一卷）》，1994：186 3. There are some within our Party who still think along the lines that so long as we have the workers and peasants on our side, we can do everything. This view is not entirely correct; to be more specific, it is masses on whom we should rely. However, working only with them cannot solve all our problems. For instance, can we deal with relations between the state and private sectors of the economy if we do not work with the private sector or deal with relations between employees and employers if we do not work with the capitalists? In reducing rent and returning security money we mobilized some democrats and members of enlightened gentry to go to the countryside (for example, to northern and western Sichuan), and with their help deadlocks were easily broken and the task was easily accomplished. -Quoted from Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (Vol. 1), 1995: 191. 网络参考例句例句 1： |
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